party. "Well, sir, that itself covers a multi-
tude of sins. [Renewed laughter.]
Mr. CHAMBERS. I hope the gentleman has
changed his' opinion of my character.
Mr. BARRON. Certainly. I want it dis-
tinctly understood that I do not intend to
offer an insult to any gentleman present; I
want that distinctly understood. Because
there were only two things I liked General
Jackson for; one was that he never attacked
any one, always stood on the defensive; and
the other was that he swore by the eternal
that this Union should bepreserved. [Ap-
plause, promptly checked by the President.]
I want now to attend to my friend from
Somerset (Mr. Jones) over the way.
A MEMBER. He is not now in his seat.
Mr. BARRON. Well, I am not going to say
anything to hurt him; you need not be
alarmed about that, I am opposed to all
these little personalities. The gentleman
from Somerset said he was a whig—and a
great big response came up from my heart—
" So was I," and then there was a sad story
came up in my mind. What do you think
it was? I looked at my friend from Kent.
(Mr. Chambers,) and I looked at my friend
from Somerset, (Mr. Jones,) and then I
thought of what was said of one whose
name I will not mention. " The leg you lost
at Saratoga, if no one else will do it, I will
take it up, and carry it away and bury it
with all honor. But the body that would
have given up West Point to our enemies, it
may hang as high as Haman." That is the
view I take of that matter.
Now, before I go any further, let me say
that speech-making is an up-hill business with
me; I did not start at it early enough in life.
And if this rebellion had not broke out, I
should not be here to-day. But the country
called and I obeyed. [Laughter.] As it is,
I suppose I am here just about the same as
any other member is. And I want to give
you these few remarks for what they are
worth. And before I forget it, I may as well
say that I shall most likely commit the Alpha
and Omega of all offences, within these hal
lowed walls, all stained with slavery. I shall
most likely quote from the Helper book be-
fore I get through. [Laughter.]
I assure you, Mr. President and gentlemen,
that it is with feelings of diffidence and re-
luctance, with the kindest consideration for
all in political opposition to me that I under-
take to express my humble views upon the
article of the bill of rights now under con-
sideration The question of ridding Mary-
land from slavery, and converting her into a
field for free labor, has been forced upon us
by the war which the especial admirers of
slavery themselves inaugurated in this
country.
And I want to say one word right here as
I go along. I have some authorities here,
which my friend on my left (Mr. Thomas) has |
been kind enough to get ready for me. I do
not know that I shall use them, but I thank
him for his kindness. The other side have
really been kind to each other in this way;
and it shows a good disposition on their part
to be true to one another. But it has not
been so upon our side of the house. Our
friends seem generally to act upon the prin-
ciple of big I and little u.
Slave labor was never stronger and more
secure in its whole history, than when Mr.
Lincoln was elected President. Its advocates
had the control of the Senate and House of
Representatives.
I want to say another thing right here. I
do not offer these remarks because I think I am
an orator, but I just do it so as to go on the
record. Do you understand? These things
are to be banded down to our little ones, so
that they may know whether we are right or
wrong. And for that reason I have taken a
great deal of pains, I assure yon, to get these
remarks into some kind of shape,
During the session immediately preceding
the coining into power of this administration,
they found the majority of the republican
members disposed to do everything to re-
lieve them of all anxiety about the safety and
security of their institution. The latter were
even found passing Territorial bills that ses-
sion, without any proviso against slavery, in
their anxiety to avoid the present sectional
warfare. But, having divided and destroyed
the democratic party, because all its compo-
nent parts would not bind themselves to the
introduction and preservation of slavery in
all the Territories of the United States there-
after to be created and organized, the leaders
of the Southern democracy determined to
separate the slaveholding States from the
balance of the Union. I do not know as
these ideas suit my friends; the words are
hardly long enough—and thus to subvert and
overthrow the beat and freest government
upon earth. It was these democratic divis-
ions and quarrels which brought the present
administration into power, and, hence, if
anything has since transpired repugnant to
the feelings and destructive to the inter-
ests of any portion of the people outside
of the States in rebellion, let the responsi-
bility be fixed upon the heads of those to
whom it properly belongs. Perhaps, if my
poor head and feeble hands had had the con-
trol of events during the last four years, the
bitter cup that is now pressed to the lips of so
many of my fellow men of Maryland, might
have been passed from them. Nevertheless,
I cannot say that I much regret what they
term the manifold evils connected with this
war, for the reason that they were all fore-
told, and warnings to avoid them loudly
Bounded into their ears, by the strongest and
wisest men of both North and South. This
calamitous, bloody and destructive war, is no-
thing but the offspring of slavery. It has |
