length and breadth of that misguided coun-
try that such A proclamation had been issued,
declaring the slaves of the South free, and
that led many of them when our lines were
extended, and even before, to escape, to elude
the vigilance of their owners, their overseers,
their guards and sentinels, and fly to the
federal lines, where they could enjoy this
boon of freedom. To that extent it had the
effect of weakening the rebellion. But there
were more than this one million of effective
slaves in the South, who were engaged in
producing the necessaries of life, and the
sinews of war required to support the armies
engaged in carrying on this rebellion. It is
well known to those familiar with the institu-
tion, that women and boys in the South are
almost as valuable and effective hands as the
men in the production of cotton. There are
certain stages in the process of raising cotton,
when women and children, who of course
would be valueless on the battle field, render
effective service.
The institution of slavery, as has been very
properly and correctly said in this Hall, is
virtually destroyed. The slaves have become
demoralized by the events that have trans-
pired before them. If that be the case, and I
think no one will question it, if slavery he
destroyed and is no longer valuable to us as
an institution, then why retain it as a part of
your domestic policy? why protect it in the
Constitution of your State? Why not change
the policy of the State, and adopt one better
adapted to the circumstances of the times?
Why not recognize the fact that slavery has
perished? And then let us endeavor to build
up on its ruins a better Bystem, one which
will develop to a higher and greater extent,
the agricultural and mineral resources of the
State. Who for one moment will contend
that slaves are capable of doing that? Their
habits, their nature, their capacity, preclude
any such presumption or any such fact. But
if it is a fact that the institution of slavery is
no longer valuable; that the right to hold
slaves no longer carries with it the power
necessary to control them; why not change
the Constitution? Why not recognize that
the institution is already destroyed? Why
not adopt some system by which their labor
can he made available in another form?
I believe human nature is the game almost
everywhere, and under almost any circum-
stances; although it may be covered with a
black skin. It must be apparent to every
man—though I speak more particularly to
the farmer who has employed slave labor
and free labor, that free labor is incomparably
more economical than slave labor. While
the one performs his duty with alacrity and
energy, the other renders at best an unwill-
ing and negligent service. It is one of the
peculiar characteristics of the negro race,
that you can perhaps reach them in a more
successful way by kind and gentle treatment; |
you can flatter them into almost any belief,
and by a gentle police, firm and mild discip-
line, you can control them without any diffi-
culty whatever. While, on the contrary, if
you arouse all the asperities of their nature,
you make them insubordinate, and reduce
them practically to a worthless condition. If
all of the race were slaves, perhaps a different
system might prevail. But when you work
slave and free side by side, men of the same
color and of the same race, and of the same
habits, the one the recipient of the proceeds
of his own labor, the other the unwilling
servant of perhaps a griping and unyielding
master, with no hope of remuneration other
than the poor pittance of food and scanty ap-
parel, you create dissatisfaction, and redace
the usefulness of the class.
Now, I am satisfied in my own mind, and
from my own experience, that if the Whole
system were changed, and all made free, they
could be made of more practical use than
they ever can be in the character and condi-
tion they now occupy, it is said that if you
adopt the policy of emancipation, the blacks
will become idle, worthless and degraded,
and that your penitentiaries and jails and
work-houses will be filled with them. I think
it will have exactly the contrary result.
What was the cage in the Island of Jamaica?
It is not necessary for me to refer to the sta-
tistics—though I could do so, and had in-
tended to do so. But I have been relieved
from the necessity of referring to them, to
show the effect of emancipation in the British
West India Islands, and in the French
Islands, by gentlemen who have discussed
this subject in all its bearings. What was?
the fact in the Island of Jamaica? It was pre-
dicted that on the day which was to liberate
eight millions of slaves, and turn them loose
upon the country, riots, confusion, blood-
shed and anarchy would prevail. The very
reverse proved to be the case. On the night
preceding the day on which the law which
was to give them freedom was to go into
effect, they assembled in their various places
of religious worship, and there watched with
the most intense anxiety, the finger upon the
dial which was to mark the hour of twelve,
and give them their freedom. And when the
hour at last arrived, there was one universal
shout of adoration and praise to Almighty
God for the great deliverance that had come
to them. But no riot, no demonstration of
lawlessness. And after returning thanks to
the Father of all men in the most humble and
reverential manner, they returned to their
homes and their masters, and resumed their
ordinary pursuits of life. That shows the
effect that change had upon the portion of
the race there.
And I anticipate much better results—or
at least as good results, they could not well
be better—in the State of Maryland, from the
adoption of this policy; because I look upon |
