a kind of spurious copper currency in which
they are paid. While the free African seem-
ed to. be cheerful, gay and happy, the slave
appeared to be restless and dissatisfied— the
one had been the recipient of the proceeds of
his. own labor; while the other had to render
ftp account daily to a rigid task-master.
I have seen the free Africans in the military
service of Brazil. For at the time I was there
Don Pedro was at war with. Rosas, of the
Buenas Ayrean dominions, and every day the
soldiers were paraded upon the public square
for. the review of the emperor—and in that
long line of soldiers you wound find the Por-
tuguese, the Indian, the hall-breed African,
and the full-blooded African, all in the same
uniform. There was but little distinction to
be observed between them; all seemed to be
working in the service of their great master ;
all seemed to perform their services with alac-
rity and willingness, without any control ex-
cept the, authority exercised over them all by
those who have a right to direct them.
I am convinced, therefore, that by a firm
and humane police, we will have no difficulty
in governing slave that may be freed in
the State of Maryland, should that event occur,
and mating them an efficient and useful
branch of labor in agricultural pursuits. I
am satisfied, however, that it is incompatible
with their nature; that 'it is incompatible
with the interests of their employees, to work
slaves and freemen side by aide.
The PRESIDENT, The gentleman's. time has
expired under the rule.
Mr. BERRY, of Baltimore county, moved
that the gentleman's time be extended.
Mr. PURNELL. I desire but five minutes
more to conclude all I have to say.
Five minutes additional time was accord-
ingly granted.
Mr. PURNELL. I thank the members of the
Convention for the kindness with which they
have listened to the remarks I have already
.made, and for the courtesy they have just
extended to me, I have but a few words to
say and then I will close.
I think that we need no longer hesitate
with regard to what is the true policy of
Maryland. I think that we need no longer
hesitate in regard to what is our duty under
the circumstances that now surround us. It
has been said here, and with a great deal of
force, that the slave power has heretofore
controlled the legislation of Maryland since
it? earliest history. I think that the statistics
will fully bear out that assertion. Why,
where, and by whom have the laws of your
State been enacted? Who tor the last fifty
years have controlled the whole legislative
department of your State government? Un-
questionably they have been slaveholders
I do not wish to encourage any agrarian doc-
trine in this connection. I am not in favor
of any antagonism between classes. I am not
in favor of arraying non-slaveholders against |
slaveholders. I am in favor of no levelling
process. Bat when I come to view the facts,
it is to my mind conclusive that the whole
of the legislation of Maryland for the last
three-quarters of a century, has been con-
trolled in the influence of slavery. A majority
of the members elected to the [House of Del-
egates] and to the Senate, have been slave-
holders. A majority of your governors, if not
more, have been either slaveholders, or sym-
pathizers with slavery. All, or nearly all, the
members of Congress from this State have
been slaveholders or sympathizers with slave-
ry. All our Senators at Washington, with
the exception I believe of Mr Reverdy John-
son have been slaveholders, or sympathizers
with slavery. Then it is the fact that slavery
his controlled all our legislation; that about
15,000 slaveholders have controlled some
600,000 people—"or that I believe is about the
population of this State. Is that fair? Cer-
tainly not. Is it just? I think not. I think
it is time that those 600,000 people should
have a voice in the legislation of this State,
in the passage of laws by which their lives,
their liberties, and their property are to be
regulated and controlled. I think it is time
that, alley should cease to be fettered as they
have hitherto been by that kind of influence.
And I think it is time that they should be
allowed a full and fair expression of their opin-
ions not only abroad but in the halls Of their
legislature.
Mr. President, I am not disposed, in
view of the limited time for discussion up-
on this article, to longer consume the time of
this Convention I therefore yield tire floor,
in order to allow others, who desire to do so,
an opportunity of expressing their views up-
on the important subject tinder considera-
tion.
Mr. BERRY, of Baltimore county. Did I
not feel that it is a duty devolving upon me,
as one of those whom the citizens of Balti-
more county have delegated lo represent her
upon the floor of this Convention, I should
not obtrude myself at this lime. Did I re-
member that upon our side of the House, any
gentleman who is a slaveholder had spoken,
I should perhaps forego the duty which I feel
is assigned me. I am a slaveholder. With
these prefatory remarks, I proceed to the all
important questions growing out of this ar-
ticle proposed by the committee to be put into
the bill of rights
The question of compensation for the slaves
emancipated under the clause to that effect
now to be inserted in the Constitution pre-
sents itself in two aspects.
First, a compensation from the General
Government.
Second, a compensation to be provided by
the State itself, by a tax upon her citizens.
To the first, under ordinary circumstances,
we would certainly have no claim, but look-
ing to the action taken by the Executive and |
